Ahmed
Osman
THE EXODUS IN EGYPTIAN
SOURCES
[This
paper was read at the Annual Meeting of the American Schools of
Oriental Research, held in Boston November 17-20, 1999.]
At the center of the Bible
account there is the story of a Semitic Hebrew tribe descending to
Egypt at the time of Joseph, then returning to Canaan some time
later at the time of Moses. Biblical scholars and Egyptologists had,
up to the mid-20th century, accepted the Exodus narration as
representing a true historical account. Following the Second World
War, however, the situation changed dramatically. Thanks to
archaeological excavations, more light was thrown on the ancient
history of both Egypt and Canaan; nevertheless, no evidence was
found to support the Exodus account of the Bible. Negative evidence
from historical sources led many scholars to dismiss the Exodus
narration as a mere fiction, and ten years ago, Professor Donald
Redford concluded that the story of the Exodus is, in fact, based on
the expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt, therefore much of its detail
is fictitious.
I do
not agree, however, with this conclusion. I believe that the
biblical account of the Exodus does represent true historical
events. The lack of historical evidence, in my view, is due to the
fact that scholars have, so far, been looking in the wrong
historical period.
The
search for the Exodus has been toponymic in nature, related to the
names of geographical locations mentioned in the Bible, such as the
area of Goshen and the store-cities of Ramses and Pithom. When
Eduard Henri Naville arrived at Tell el-Maskhita in the eastern
Delta in the winter of 1883, he was looking for the store-city of
Pithom. Six months later, Naville confirmed to the first annual
meeting of the Egypt Exploration Fund in London that this location
in the Wadi Tumilat was in fact the store-city of Pithom built by
Ramses II. Naville then proceeded to show that the biblical word
Goshen is equivalent to Egyptian Gesem, which is the name of the
area of Faqus in the eastern Delta. Having found Pithom and Goshen,
the next step was to try and locate the city of Ramses, where the
Exodus is believed to have started. Looking for Ramses, however,
proved to be more elusive. Different locations were suggested by
different scholars for that city—from Tanis, modern San el-Hagar at
the bottom of Lake Manzalah at the start of this century, to Tell-el
Dabaa Qantir in the eastern Delta at the present time.
The
fact that all these locations are related to Ramses II persuaded
scholars to regard this king as being the Pharaoh of the Oppression;
Merenptah his successor being the Pharaoh of the Exodus.
But when,
in 1896, Flinders Petrie found the stele of Merenptah's 5th year
which mentioned the Israelites already in Canaan, the date of the
Exodus had to be re-fixed to the end of Ramses II's rule. Ramses II
has now become the Pharaoh of both the Oppression and the Exodus.
The
following step was to find the date of the Descent. This step proved
to be an easy task. Following the Book of Exodus, which states that
the Israelites' Sojourn in Egypt lasted for 430 years (Exodus
12:40-41), they counted 430 years back from the end of Ramses II's
reign and arrived at the very beginning of the Hyksos period for the
arrival of Joseph into Egypt. In this way the time of both the
Descent and the Exodus was fixed, not on chronological, but on
geographical evidence. Looking for historical
confirmation of a Semitic Exodus from Egypt at the end of Ramses
II's reign, however, they found only negative evidence. To rely
mainly on philological and geographical similarities, in my view,
was the main reason behind the failure to reach a positive
conclusion. Chronology is the backbone of history, and it is for the
time of both the Descent and the Exodus that we should start
looking.
One
of the main reasons which persuaded early scholars that the Hyksos
period was the right time for Joseph in Egypt, was their belief,
following William Albright, that it was the Hyksos rulers who first
introduced the war chariot into Egypt. As the biblical story of
Joseph has three references to chariots, this meant that this war
machine was already used in Egypt at the time of Joseph. Recent
archaeological excavations in Hyksos locations, however, failed to
produce any single evidence to show that they ever used this
advanced war machine. Almost all Hyksos locations in Egypt have now
been excavated. Neither at Tell el-Dabaa, Tel el-Yahudia, Tell
el-Heboia, or at any other Hyksos location at the eastern Delta, has
any evidence come to show the existence of chariots.
Moreover, Egyptian accounts of their war against the Hyksos,
as found in the Kamose Stele and the tomb of Ahmos Son of Abana, or
Manetho's history, have no mention of chariots taking place in the
fighting. Before the time of Amenhotep I of the 18th dynasty, no
archaeological evidence has been found in Egypt to support
Albright's view of the introduction of the war chariot by the
Hyksos.
Accordingly, Joseph's arrival in Egypt could not have taken
place before the 18th dynasty. But at which part of the 18th dynasty
was his arrival?
Again the Bible account does offer a clue that could help us
coming closer to the time of Joseph. While Genesis 41:43 states that
Pharaoh gave Joseph a chariot at the ceremony of his appointment to
his position, Genesis 50:9 mentions that Joseph took with him "both
chariots and horsemen" when he went up to bury his father in Canaan.
This account indicates two things: that Joseph was appointed to be
responsible for the chariots, and that the chariots had already been
separated from infantry to become a separate entity. This situation
could not have been possible, as Alan Schulman was able to show,
before the time of Amenhotep III at the beginning of the 14th
century BC. The first man appointed at the head of the Chariotry was
Yuya, therefore we should be looking for Joseph and the Israelites
in Egypt starting only from the time of Amenhotep III.
Here
we find some interesting archaeological information. As Professor
Raphael Giveon has shown, a fragmentary list of toponyms of the
Shasu Bedouins of Sinai included the name Ta-Shasw-Yahw, (Giveon
1971:26f.) which suggests that Semites worshipping Yahweh were found
in Egypt during the time of Amenhotep III. Another significant
archaeological evidence of this period comes from Sakkara. In 1989
Dr. Alain-Pierre Zivie discovered the tomb of Aper-el, a chief
minister of both Amenhotep III and Akhenaten. His name indicates a
Hebrew origin, possibly also related to Elohim.
When, on the other hand, we attempt to look for the date of
the Exodus, we find that the only archaeological evidence in Egypt
that mentions Israel by name confirms that they were in Canaan in
the 5th year of Merenptah, during the last quarter of the 13th
century BC. This evidence indicates clearly that the Israelites must
have left Egypt at a considerable time before that date, in which
case the 430 years of the Exodus account could not be representing
the actual length of the Sojourn. In fact, the Book of Genesis gives
us a contradictory account regarding the length of the Sojourn.
According to the Book of Geneses (15: 13, 16), it was the
fourth Israelite generation since their Descent to Egypt who left in
the Exodus. The time of four generations between Joseph and Moses
could not possibly be 430 years. A close examination of the biblical
narration shows that the figure of 430 years represents the total
ages of these four generation, for if we add the ages of Levi (137),
Kohath (133), Amram (137) and Moses (120), the total would be 527
years. Of this, 57 years were deducted as representing the age Levi
reached at the time of the Descent, as well as 40 years which Moses
is said to have lived after the Exodus, which leaves us with 430
years. As the first two generations, Levi and Kohath, had already
been born in Canaan and arrived in Egypt with Jacob at the time of
the Descent (Genesis 46:11), only two generations could have been
born in Egypt: Amram and Moses. If we allow 25 years for every
generation to beget his firstborn, we should be looking for a period
of only about fifty years plus for the length of the Sojourn. In
this case, we should be looking for the historical evidence for the
Exodus starting from the mid-14th century BC, fifty years from the
beginning of the reign of Amenhotep III.
As
the Exodus account implies an attempt by some Semitic tribes to
leave Egyptian Sinai to enter into Canaan, we soon find the evidence
for the one and only such attempt. This only recorded exodus attempt
by Bedouin tribes from Sinai trying to enter Canaan took place at
the end of the short reign of Ramses I. Immediately after the death
of Ramses I c.1333 BC, we find evidence of some Semitic Bedouin
tribes of Sinai, called Shasu by the Egyptians, attempting to cross
the Egyptian borders to Canaan.
On
the east side of the northern wall of the great Hypostyle Hall in
Amun's temple at Karnak we find two series of scenes, which are
distributed symmetrically on either side of the entrance to the
temple, representing the wars of Seti I who succeeded Ramses I on
the throne. The first of these wars, chronologically, is found at
the bottom row of the east wall and represent the war against the
Shasu. After setting out on the route between the fortified city of
Zarw and Gaza—known in the Bible as 'the way of the land of the
Philistines' (Exodus 13:17), and passing the fortified water
stations, "pushing along the road in the Negeb, the king scatters
the Shasu, who from time to time gather in sufficient numbers to
meet him." One of these actions is depicted in this relief as taking
place on the desert road. Over the battle scene stands the
inscription: "The Good God, Sun of Egypt, Moon of all land, Montu in
the foreign countries ... like Baal, ... The rebels, they know not
how they shall (flee); the vanquished of the Shasu (becoming like)
that which existed not."
In
this campaign it seems that Seti pursued the Shasu into the northern
Sinai area and Edom, which includes 'the waters of Meribah,' as well
as the land of Moab at the borders between Sinai and
Canaan/Jordan—before returning to continue his march along the
northern Sinai road between Zarw and Gaza until he reached Canaan
itself. Just across the Egyptian border he arrived at a fortified
town whose name is given as Pe-Kanan, which is believed to be the
city of Gaza.
Another scene has the following inscription over the defeated
Shasu: "Year 1. King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menma-re. The
destruction which the mighty sword of Pharaoh É made among the
vanquished of the Shasu from the fortress of Zarw to Pe-Kanan, when
His Majesty marched against them like a fierce-eyed lion, making
them carcasses in their valleys, overturned in their blood like
those that exist not.
Pa-Ramses, who later became Ramses I and established the
Ramesside 19th dynasty, was the vizier and Commander of the army
during the reign of Horemheb. He was also appointed as the governor
of the fortified border city of Zarw, which supervised the whole
border area of northern Sinai, including the land of Goshen, and
which had been turned into a big prison by Horemheb. Ramses himself
belonged to a local family coming from this area, and it is this
Ramses who must have been remembered by the Hebrew scribes putting
down the biblical account. Ramses I was already a very old man at
the time of his accession and did not survive the end of his second
year on the throne. His son Seti I followed him, and it seems that
the Shasu attempt to leave Egypt began before the death of his
father. At the very beginning of Seti's reign a messenger arrived
with the news: "The Shasu enemies are plotting rebellion. Their
tribal leaders are gathered in one place, standing on the foothills
of Khor (Palestine) and are engaged in turmoil and uproar." And
although Seti I was able to stop the Shasu leaving Sinai, forty
years later, during the 20th year of Ramses II, we find them already
in Canaan.
Shasu was the name given by the Egyptians to the Beduin of
Sinai, known in both the Bible and the Quran as the Midianites,
allies of Moses. It seems that the Israelites were only a small part
of a large Semitic attempt to leave Egypt for Canaan.
Thus
Horemheb becomes the Pharaoh of the Oppression and Ramses I the
Pharaoh of the Exodus.
Ahmed
Osman
Historian, lecturer,
researcher and author, Ahmed Osman is a British Egyptologist born in
Cairo. His four indepth
books clarifying the history of the Bible and Egypt
are:Stranger in
the Valley of the Kings (1987) - Moses: Pharaoh of Egypt (1990) -
The House of the Messiah (1992)
- Out of Egypt (1998)
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